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Adopting
a Child Who Has Been Prenatally Exposed to Drugs: Risks and Realities
By Dan R.
Griffith, Ph.D.
Substance
abuse by pregnant women, especially crack cocaine abuse, has received
a great deal of attention over the past decade by researchers and the
media. While it is true that substance abuse has a detrimental affect
on the functioning of many women, children, and families in this country,
the information presented to the general public to date has been at the
very least incomplete and often inaccurate and misleading. Perhaps the
most misleading aspect of media coverage concerns the effects of the more
prevalent yet legal drugs, alcohol and tobacco. In a 1991 article published
in The Future of Children, Gomby and Shiono cited statistics which estimated
that approximately 73% of pregnant women in the U.S. use alcohol at some
point in their pregnancy, 38% use tobacco, and 2% to 3% use cocaine. Cigarette
smoking during pregnancy is firmly linked to low birth weight. Low birth
weight in turn places children at risk for developmental problems. Prenatal
exposure to alcohol is firmly linked to a range of effects from low birth
weight and subtle learning problems to fetal alcohol syndrome. Too little
research is available about the effects of prenatal exposure of cocaine.
Cocaine, however, has received almost exclusive media coverage and the
information presented has leaned towards sensationalism.
The images
presented most often by the media have been those of the worst case outcomes:
tiny, premature infants thrashing and screaming from the ravages of cocaine
and hyperactive and hyperaggressive, out-of-control preschool and school-aged
"crack kids." The problem with these images lie not with whether
or not some of those prenatally exposed to cocaine might have similar
outcomes, but with the messages implied by the sensationalistic media
coverage. The first implication is that all exposed children will have
the same worst case outcomes and will suffer life long debilitating effects.
The second is that all of the problems suffered by these worst case outcomes
are caused solely and directly by the prenatal exposure to cocaine.
Contrary
to these implications the limited research available to date concerning
the short and long term effects of prenatal exposure to cocaine and the
present author's clinical experience with hundred's of children exposed
prenatally to cocaine and other drugs have found that the effects of prenatal
exposure to drugs including cocaine vary widely from child to child, and
that the children displaying the worst case outcomes are most often those
which have been exposed to numerous prenatal and post-natal risk factors
in addition to drugs.
Because
the developmental outcomes of children are affected by numerous biological
and environmental factors, it is impossible to state that any specific
outcome, with the exception of fetal alcohol syndrome, is caused by prenatal
exposure to any particular drug. Most researchers and clinicians agree,
however, that prenatal exposure to cocaine and other drugs constitute
a biological vulnerability in some of the exposed children. Whether or
not such vulnerabilities result in negative outcomes depends on the number
of other biological risk factors the child has been exposed to (e.g. prematurity,
low birth weight, lead, inadequate prenatal and post-natal nutrition and/or
medical care) and the quality of the child's post-natal environment.
Research
to date has indicated that the majority of children exposed to biological
risks including prematurity, low birth weight, and prenatal exposure to
alcohol and other drugs do not have serious or debilitating developmental
problems. As prospective parents make the decision, however, whether to
adopt a child who has been exposed to one or more biological and/or environmental
risk factors, it is important to keep in mind that any general statement
such as the ones just made concerning outcomes are based on "group
statistics." Group statistics represent the average scores or outcomes
for a group of children and do not apply directly to any specific child.
In other words, no one can predict the developmental outcomes for any
particular child simply by knowing which risk factors the child was exposed
to. The only way to discover the unique strengths and problems for a specific
child is by looking directly at the child over time. Gathering information
about biological and/or environmental risks to which that specific child
ahs been exposed can inform prospective parents about the odds of different
outcomes, but will not provide any guarantees.
Fortunately,
most of the potential problems for biologically at risk children are responsive
to interventions once they are identified. Periodic screening for such
problems can assist parents in optimizing the developmental outcomes of
their children. There has been a great deal of research indicating that
early screening, diagnosis, and intervention for developmental problems
can significantly improve the outcomes for the majority of those children
who are affected by these risk factors.
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Difficulty
regulating behavior, for example, is one of the more common problems displayed
by those at-risk children who develop problems. There are numerous strategies
to guide parents as they assist their children in developing strategies
for controlling their behavior. Once such strategy is to train parents
to observe and carefully record the problem behaviors of their children.
Through observation parents are able to learn the behavioral cues which
their children display before they misbehave, and arrive at an objective
understanding of why their children are displaying such behaviors. Once
parents learn to read the cues which precede their children's problem
behaviors, they will often be able to avoid them altogether by redirecting
their children's attention and behavior before the problems occur. By
understanding their children's behavior, parents are better able to avoid
becoming locked into power struggles by responding with understanding
and supportive interventions rather than frustration and anger. Power
struggles defeat adult and child alike and most often intensify the behavioral
problems of the child.
The benefits
gained through approaching a child's behavior with objectivity and understanding
are illustrated by the following example. A four year old was referred
to the present author because he was "out of control" in his
preschool classroom and was becoming increasing aggressive towards his
teacher.
When this
little boy arrived for testing, my first impression was that he was nothing
like what the teacher had described. He was friendly, polite, and during
the early phases of testing extremely cooperative. However, after about
five minutes of testing had been completed, the child announced that he
was done. I tried to persuade him otherwise by redirecting his attention
to different items, pushing the table a little close to him, and asking
him to try a few more things. This attempt to make him continue when he
wanted to quit was met with a behavioral outburst, including screaming,
kicking, and shoving at the table. I immediately pulled the table away,
at which time the child ran out of the room.
I assumed
that the testing phase of the evaluation was over and started writing
notes on the child's behavior. A few minutes later, however, the little
boy returned to the room and said that he was ready to continue. After
another ten minutes or so of testing, the child again said, "I'm
done now," to which I replied, "That's fine." He calmly
got out of his chair, walked around the room, and then sat down to resume
testing. This pattern was repeated several times until all testing was
completed and the child scored in the superior range for intellectual
reasoning.
It was easy
to see in a one-to-one testing situation that this child recognized the
limits of his concentration and coped with increasing frustration by briefly
removing himself from the frustrating situation. It is equally easy to
see, however, how this behavior created problems in the classroom. By
wandering around, he would be disrupting the learning of other children.
When the
teacher tried to make him sit back down, she was increasing his frustration
by removing from him the one method he had developed for coping. The result
was that the teacher and child became locked in a power struggle. Each
repeatedly frustrated the other to the point that the teacher was exasperated
and angry with the child and the child lost control and would hit or kick
the teacher. As soon as the teacher understood why this child needed to
get out of his seat, her attitude towards him and consequently his reactions
to her became more positive. With the emotional elements removed from
this situation it became a relatively easy task to teach this child new
coping strategies which were not disruptive to the classroom.
In conclusion,
prenatal exposure to alcohol and other drugs is associated with numerous
biological and environmental risk factors which may lead to emotional,
behavioral, and/or learning problems in children. The research to date,
however, is a testimony to the eternal resilience of children. Not all
of the children exposed to multiple risk factors develop problems and
the majority of those who do develop problems are very responsive to the
benefits of consistent, predictable, nurturing care givers combined with
early screening, diagnosis and intervention for their problems.
Dan R.
Griffith is a clinical associate in the Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral
Sciences, Northwestern University Medical School, Evanston, Ill. He was
formally a developmental psychologist with the National Association for
Perinatal Addiction, Chicago. He does independent consulting from his
office:
Dan R. Griffith
Clinical Psychologist
1433 S. Brophy Street
Park Ridge, Illinois 60068
(847)692-744
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